Omani Sayf/Saif

[Jim McDougall]

This is intriguing to see this topic, though typically contentious over some time in threads years ago and in debates, with such salient note.
These references noted (thank you Orang Lama) is most interesting, and offers insights into the conundrums of the Omani sa'if.

While these are important, it is equally important to wonder more on the actual circumstances described, considering that often these kinds of descriptions may have been based on somewhat compromised observations.

First I would note that the well traveled and observant Sir Richard Burton ("Book of the Sword",1884) described (and illustrated) the cylindrical hilt style Omani sa'if in his description of Zanzibar swords. An acclaimed swordsman, he noted he could not fathom how these swords could have been used combatively. No doubt he had seen these used in the typical ceremonies which were performed using these as part of same developed by the Omani Sultanate.

As we have discussed, the blades on the ceremonial versions were much lighter and more flexible , while the versions of these swords worn in a status oriented fashion were typically mounted with the heavier broadsword blades of trade blade type.

While these examples with the more substantial blades were likely the ones he referred to , and being worn by the Omani merchant/slavers in the interior where he encountered them, he still could not imagine them serving well as weapons as intended. Clearly these were worn as status accoutrements much as the khanjhar (actually of course more likely as bonified weapons).
The observations and indeed even the drawing of the Omani sa'if used in the "Book of the Sword", were actually lifted by Burton from the book on arms by Aguguste Demmin (1877). I have handled Burtons actual manuscript in which the very drawing was pinned to the page.

The important note in which some degree of misperception can be possible is the obvious visual confusion pertaining to these swords simply by assuming that all swords with this type hilt are the same. Clearly the ceremonial examples with the light, flexible blades when sheathed, would appear the same as the status oriented versions with standard serviceable blades to an otherwise uninitiated observer.

We have noted years ago that there was also a version of the open hilt Omani sa'if which was indeed used in the interior of Africa in the regions where the Omani slavers and merchants traversed in acquiring slaves and ivory.
This appears to have developed in the regions of Bunyoro-Kittara, which at that time was known as Kittareh, believed to be a dialectic term for 'sword'.
Burton notes in his book on travels into the interior that these typically were mounted with German cavalry blades (presumably curved).

This is apparently how the term 'kattara' became inexorably linked to the sword we have known in collecting as the Omani kattara. As Peter has pointed out, the term kitara actually refers to these open hilt swords with curved blades.

Is it possible that the weapons referred to in the reference describing the British encounter with a Zanzibar/Omani slaving vessel might be describing these KITARA versions of the Omani sa'if?
Were they described as long (typically over 32") swords? or was the description simply to the unique style hilt?

The travelogue describing the situation with a 'vibrating' blade (one of the deliberate stimulations in the Razha sword dance ceremony is having many of these vibrating producing an exhilarating buzz or whirring) begs the question....again...was the sword inquestion the same sword examined?
If the examination of the sword and the vibration took place at the same time, then it would be of course perplexing.

These are the questions I would pose, purely as devils advocate. Still I applaud the addition of these entries here greatly, and thank you again Orang Lama for adding them!
They serve as important references in further testing these matters.

All best regards
Jim

[Peter Hudson]

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall

This is intriguing to see this topic, though typically contentious over some time in threads years ago and in debates, with such salient note.
These references noted (thank you Orang Lama) is most interesting, and offers insights into the conundrums of the Omani sa'if.

While these are important, it is equally important to wonder more on the actual circumstances described, considering that often these kinds of descriptions may have been based on somewhat compromised observations.

First I would note that the well traveled and observant Sir Richard Burton ("Book of the Sword",1884) described (and illustrated) the cylindrical hilt style Omani sa'if in his description of Zanzibar swords. An acclaimed swordsman, he noted he could not fathom how these swords could have been used combatively. No doubt he had seen these used in the typical ceremonies which were performed using these as part of same developed by the Omani Sultanate.

As we have discussed, the blades on the ceremonial versions were much lighter and more flexible , while the versions of these swords worn in a status oriented fashion were typically mounted with the heavier broadsword blades of trade blade type.

While these examples with the more substantial blades were likely the ones he referred to , and being worn by the Omani merchant/slavers in the interior where he encountered them, he still could not imagine them serving well as weapons as intended. Clearly these were worn as status accoutrements much as the khanjhar (actually of course more likely as bonified weapons).
The observations and indeed even the drawing of the Omani sa'if used in the "Book of the Sword", were actually lifted by Burton from the book on arms by Aguguste Demmin (1877). I have handled Burtons actual manuscript in which the very drawing was pinned to the page.

The important note in which some degree of misperception can be possible is the obvious visual confusion pertaining to these swords simply by assuming that all swords with this type hilt are the same. Clearly the ceremonial examples with the light, flexible blades when sheathed, would appear the same as the status oriented versions with standard serviceable blades to an otherwise uninitiated observer.

We have noted years ago that there was also a version of the open hilt Omani sa'if which was indeed used in the interior of Africa in the regions where the Omani slavers and merchants traversed in acquiring slaves and ivory.
This appears to have developed in the regions of Bunyoro-Kittara, which at that time was known as Kittareh, believed to be a dialectic term for 'sword'.
Burton notes in his book on travels into the interior that these typically were mounted with German cavalry blades (presumably curved).

This is apparently how the term 'kattara' became inexorably linked to the sword we have known in collecting as the Omani kattara. As Peter has pointed out, the term kitara actually refers to these open hilt swords with curved blades.

Is it possible that the weapons referred to in the reference describing the British encounter with a Zanzibar/Omani slaving vessel might be describing these KITARA versions of the Omani sa'if?
Were they described as long (typically over 32") swords? or was the description simply to the unique style hilt?

The travelogue describing the situation with a 'vibrating' blade (one of the deliberate stimulations in the Razha sword dance ceremony is having many of these vibrating producing an exhilarating buzz or whirring) begs the question....again...was the sword inquestion the same sword examined?
If the examination of the sword and the vibration took place at the same time, then it would be of course perplexing.

These are the questions I would pose, purely as devils advocate. Still I applaud the addition of these entries here greatly, and thank you again Orang Lama for adding them!
They serve as important references in further testing these matters.

All best regards
Jim

Hello Jim, Before I forget... There is a distinct difference in the two swords with Omani Long Hilts.
The Dancer...as I call it...is made with the tang....however the Longer bladed curved Kittara has an altered extended tang.and I never saw an original blade and presumeably German hilt except in a sketchof a slave trader and a line of slaves. It was therefor essential to extend the tang so the blade could accept the elongated handle.
I seldom saw the Kitaara or kattarah used in dancing but it was used in the UAE for this purpose ...It asnt possible to buzz the blade in quite the same way as the dancer blade... obviously with the thinner blade this was easy as the blade was very flexible.
In the Funnoon you were correct earlier when you mentioned the realistic fake fight /exercise ...which is called the Razha specifically for the thin buzzing blade where each opponent had the same task ...To score a winning point by touching the opponnets swordhand thumb ...with the flat spatulate tip of his sayf.
It cannot be over emphasised that to get anything included into the Funnoon was something that required Royal Assent...The Funnoon was a compendium of Music Dance and play acting with players using the prime weapons and swords Khanjars etc of the Omani people...and the mimickry of dancing /loading cammels, carrying of ships chests, Khanjar mimick fighting and this amazing RazhaSword Dance Fight...and the inclusion of famous songs , poetry and much energetic leaping about...A bit like pantomime but very much in the traditions of Oman and Her Culture.
In this way the traditions are underwritten as a testament to the famous history of the nation ....Anything enacted in the Funnoon was absolutely seriously adhered to...It was as if the acts depicted carried the royal warrant...Through this the ruler could raise the importance of an item to praise the Leader to that of absolutely powerful weapon ...way above what it may seem to us outsiders...
The Sultans wife...Sheherazad even designed the Royal Omani Khanjar and the hilt was transferred to the Royal Sayf Yamaani, as well as other items like the Royal Cammerbund...Readers can see from my report on The man himself... Saiid The Great ...He was the ruler that moved the Omani capital City to Stone town on Zanzibar. and it is against this formidable backdrop that I wrote...and thus with no regrets ...on the subject of the almost incredibly difficult to believe details on The Omani Kittarrah...A German Cavalry Blade from the jungles of The Great Lakes....
Regards,
Peter Hudson.

[TVV]

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall

As we have discussed, the blades on the ceremonial versions were much lighter and more flexible , while the versions of these swords worn in a status oriented fashion were typically mounted with the heavier broadsword blades of trade blade type.

Jim, in my experience, trade blades are all quite light and flexible. This refers not only to those mounted with a conical hilt in Oman, but also to takoubas, kaskaras, firangis, etc. All of them are more or less the same - they tend to be relatively long, thin and quite springy, which is all a function of them being made of post Industrial Revolution modern steel and fully tempered. The ability to mass produce them made them affordable and popular in a lot of places, where they replaced traditional shorter and thicker blades. It is hard to base an argument about functionality on whether a blade is stiff or flexible, because stiff and flexible blades have been used throughout history and they both have their advantages and drawbacks.

[Jim McDougall]

Originally Posted by TVV

Jim, in my experience, trade blades are all quite light and flexible. This refers not only to those mounted with a conical hilt in Oman, but also to takoubas, kaskaras, firangis, etc. All of them are more or less the same - they tend to be relatively long, thin and quite springy, which is all a function of them being made of post Industrial Revolution modern steel and fully tempered. The ability to mass produce them made them affordable and popular in a lot of places, where they replaced traditional shorter and thicker blades. It is hard to base an argument about functionality on whether a blade is stiff or flexible, because stiff and flexible blades have been used throughout history and they both have their advantages and drawbacks.

Thats true, and flexibility is a desired aspect of blades, with testing , one of the aspects is that and durability to return to shape. But I have difficulty imagining this flexing and moving enough to create audible sound, and with wrist action alone without application of force.

The differences in the conical hilt examples as I have understood, as far as the long straight bladed examples is that there were the examples indeed worn by merchants and officials which were mounted with the regular trade type blades. Then there were the rather munitions grade examples which had exceptionally light blades which were designed to provide the ceremonial actions performed in the 'funoon' which included mass vibration of sword blades in unison.

These were in effect, again as I understand, both conical hilt swords of the recognized Omani form, and of course outwardly appearing the same by the hilt.
There were the conical hilt examples with curved blades, of the cavalry type typically German, as noted by Burton in his explorations in the Great Lakes, which he further noted were termed locally 'kitara'. These examples came out of the interior into Zanzibar, with the Omani merchants and slavers. These types of conical hilt Omani swords seem to have been more used as far as combative circumstances.

I think these variances are the basis for most of the confusion regarding the combative use of these Omani swords, which has been the perplexing source of the contentions and debate. As with most swords, even those which were primarily for dress and parade circumstances, they could of course be used if a situation arose, but those would be exceptional I would think.

Thank you for reminding me of the flexibility matters, I might have worded that better

[Orang Lama]

Hi, I found the quote in question:

Lt. Col. S. B. Miles, H.M. acting consul general at Zanzibar, regarding the fate of Capt. C. J. Brownrigg, senior British naval officer at Zanzibar, when he attempted to detain and inspect a dhow suspected of containing slaves, although it was flying the French flag, in 1881: “The vessels were hardly together, and Captain Brownrigg had not had time to look at the papers, when the captain of the dhow gave an order; and her crew, who had been lying down concealed, suddenly rose up, poured a volley into the pinnace, and then boarded her. Yates, the coxswain, who was forward, with one foot on the dhow, was fired at, but missed; he struck one Arab down with his hook, and then struggled with another until they both fell overboard. Little or no resistance was made by the sailors; four were wounded by the volley; and the rest, being unarmed and taken completely by surprise, were speedily driven overboard. These saved themselves by swimming, though repeatedly fired at in the water by the Arabs. One man only, named Monckley, was killed at this time; and his body was not recovered. “Captain Brownrigg, immediately on seeing the hostile attitude of the Arabs, had shouted out to the chief stoker, ‘Full speed ahead’; but this order, unfortunately, was not obeyed [because the stoker was wounded]; and he was now left alone to stand the brunt and to defend himself as he best could against the Arabs, whose whole attention was now directed towards him. He had his sword, and had seized a rifle, and was standing in the stern-sheets abaft the awning or canopy. Three or four Arabs had jumped on the top of this canopy, and having the advantage, were able to slash and hack at him freely with their long double-edged Omani swords. Captain Brownrigg shot two of the Arabs with his rifle, and then laid about him with the butt end; but he was soon blinded by a deep cut across his face just above the eyes, and his head and limbs were chopped and gashed in every part. [“He was cut across the hands, the finger s being severed from the left and partially so from the right one; and badly wounded in both elbows, he could no longer hold the rifle.” (G. A. Henty, Our Sailors , 1906.)] The Arabs were so securely placed as to be almost beyond his reach; and he was consequently at a great disadvantage, despite of which he stood his ground for some time, making a most gallant and desperate defence quite alone and unaided; and he even succeeded in dispatching another Arab by a blow of his telescope before he sank down exhausted under his wounds, when he was shot by the Arabs through the heart and then through the head, and fell dead on the body of his native servant, Tellis [who was slightly wounded and pretending to be dead]. 346 were promoted to the rank of commander, and the other survivors were “favourably noticed”. Lt. Col. S. B. Miles, H.M. acting consul general at Zanzibar, regarding the fate of Capt. C. J. Brownrigg, senior British naval officer at Zanzibar, when he attempted to detain and inspect a dhow suspected of containing slav es, although it was flying the French flag, in 1881: “The vessels were hardly together, and Captain Brownrigg had not had time to look at the papers, when the captain of the dhow gave an order; and her crew, who had been lying down concealed, suddenly rose up, poured a volley into the pinnace, and then boarded her. Yates, the coxswain, who was forward, with one foot on the dhow, was fired at, but missed; he struck one Arab down with his hook, and then struggled with another until they both fell overboard. Little or no resistance was made by the sailors; four were wounded by the volley; and the rest, being unarmed and taken completely by surprise, were speedily driven overboard. These saved themselves by swimming, though repeatedly fired at in the water by the Arabs. One man only, named Monckley, was killed at this time; and his body was not recovered. “Captain Brownrigg, immediately on seeing the hostile attitude of the Arabs, had shouted out to the chief stoker, ‘Full speed ahead’; but this order, unfortunately, was not obeyed [because the stoker was wounded]; and he was now left alone to stand the brunt and to defend himself as he best could against the Arabs, whose whole attention was now directed towards him. He had his sword, and had seized a rifle, and was standing in the stern-sheets abaft the awning or canopy. Three or four Arabs had jumped on the top of this canopy, and having the advantage, were able to slash and hack at him freely with their long double-edged Omani swords. Captain Brownrigg shot two of the Arabs with his rifle, and then laid about him with the butt end; but he was soon blinded by a deep cut across his face just above the eyes, and his head and limbs were chopped and gashed in every part. [“He was cut across the hands, the fingers being severed from the left and partially so from the right one; and badly wounded in both elbows, he could no longer hold the rifle.” (G. A. Henty, Our Sailors , 1906.)] The Arabs were so securely placed as to be almost beyond his reach; and he was consequently at a great disadvantage, despite of which he stood his ground for some time, making a most gallant and desperate defence quite alone and unaided; and he even succeeded in dispatching another Arab by a blow of his telescope before he sank down exhausted under his wounds, when he was shot by the Arabs through the heart and then through the head, and fell dead on the body of his native servant, Tellis [who was slightly wounded and pretending to be dead] Captain Brownrigg was a very broad and powerful man, and would, I have no doubt, have been able to hold his own and repulse the Arabs, had it been possible for his men to give him the least assistance. That he received more than 20 wounds before he succumbed testifies to the stubborn and vigorous defence he made against his antagonists.”( British and Foreign State Papers, 1880-1881 , 1888.)